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Pennsylvania’s Post Conviction Relief Act allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the defendant can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and @propublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their client’s claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

Ronald Rogers’ case was part of a wave of reversed convictions and sentences in Philly. He is one of at least 50 people whose lawyers said there was no basis to challenge their cases, only for judges to later decide they deserved new trials or sentences. Rogers came home in December after nearly 17 years in prison.

Head to the link in our bio to read the full story.

You can help support our investigative journalism at Inquirer.com/subscribe.

📝 by Samantha Melamed and Dylan Purcell / For The Inquirer
📹 by Jenna Miller / The Inquirer
📸 Additional photo and video by Tom Gralish, Heather Khalifa, and Raishad M. Hardnett / The Inquirer

At the beginning of his three-year federal prison sentence for felony tax evasion, Roger Shoffstall lost his telephone privileges when a guard caught him running his small Alaska phone company from behind bars.

He’s lost a lot of privileges over the years. Shoffstall, 75, can’t serve on a federal jury and he isn’t allowed to own a gun.

One thing never changes, however: Each year, the federal government sends his company, Summit Telephone, more than $1 million.

The money comes from a special government subsidy program intended to bring fast, affordable phone and internet service to hard-to-reach places — and you help pay for it.

Yet despite billions of dollars flowing to Alaska telecom companies, the internet service is still slower than in most of the United States.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by Shoshana Gordon/ProPublica)

At the beginning of his three-year federal prison sentence for felony tax evasion, Roger Shoffstall lost his telephone privileges when a guard caught him running his small Alaska phone company from behind bars.

He’s lost a lot of privileges over the years. Shoffstall, 75, can’t serve on a federal jury and he isn’t allowed to own a gun.

One thing never changes, however: Each year, the federal government sends his company, Summit Telephone, more than $1 million.

The money comes from a special government subsidy program intended to bring fast, affordable phone and internet service to hard-to-reach places — and you help pay for it.

Yet despite billions of dollars flowing to Alaska telecom companies, the internet service is still slower than in most of the United States.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by Shoshana Gordon/ProPublica)

At the beginning of his three-year federal prison sentence for felony tax evasion, Roger Shoffstall lost his telephone privileges when a guard caught him running his small Alaska phone company from behind bars.

He’s lost a lot of privileges over the years. Shoffstall, 75, can’t serve on a federal jury and he isn’t allowed to own a gun.

One thing never changes, however: Each year, the federal government sends his company, Summit Telephone, more than $1 million.

The money comes from a special government subsidy program intended to bring fast, affordable phone and internet service to hard-to-reach places — and you help pay for it.

Yet despite billions of dollars flowing to Alaska telecom companies, the internet service is still slower than in most of the United States.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by Shoshana Gordon/ProPublica)

At the beginning of his three-year federal prison sentence for felony tax evasion, Roger Shoffstall lost his telephone privileges when a guard caught him running his small Alaska phone company from behind bars.

He’s lost a lot of privileges over the years. Shoffstall, 75, can’t serve on a federal jury and he isn’t allowed to own a gun.

One thing never changes, however: Each year, the federal government sends his company, Summit Telephone, more than $1 million.

The money comes from a special government subsidy program intended to bring fast, affordable phone and internet service to hard-to-reach places — and you help pay for it.

Yet despite billions of dollars flowing to Alaska telecom companies, the internet service is still slower than in most of the United States.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by Shoshana Gordon/ProPublica)

At the beginning of his three-year federal prison sentence for felony tax evasion, Roger Shoffstall lost his telephone privileges when a guard caught him running his small Alaska phone company from behind bars.

He’s lost a lot of privileges over the years. Shoffstall, 75, can’t serve on a federal jury and he isn’t allowed to own a gun.

One thing never changes, however: Each year, the federal government sends his company, Summit Telephone, more than $1 million.

The money comes from a special government subsidy program intended to bring fast, affordable phone and internet service to hard-to-reach places — and you help pay for it.

Yet despite billions of dollars flowing to Alaska telecom companies, the internet service is still slower than in most of the United States.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by Shoshana Gordon/ProPublica)

At the beginning of his three-year federal prison sentence for felony tax evasion, Roger Shoffstall lost his telephone privileges when a guard caught him running his small Alaska phone company from behind bars.

He’s lost a lot of privileges over the years. Shoffstall, 75, can’t serve on a federal jury and he isn’t allowed to own a gun.

One thing never changes, however: Each year, the federal government sends his company, Summit Telephone, more than $1 million.

The money comes from a special government subsidy program intended to bring fast, affordable phone and internet service to hard-to-reach places — and you help pay for it.

Yet despite billions of dollars flowing to Alaska telecom companies, the internet service is still slower than in most of the United States.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by Shoshana Gordon/ProPublica)

At the beginning of his three-year federal prison sentence for felony tax evasion, Roger Shoffstall lost his telephone privileges when a guard caught him running his small Alaska phone company from behind bars.

He’s lost a lot of privileges over the years. Shoffstall, 75, can’t serve on a federal jury and he isn’t allowed to own a gun.

One thing never changes, however: Each year, the federal government sends his company, Summit Telephone, more than $1 million.

The money comes from a special government subsidy program intended to bring fast, affordable phone and internet service to hard-to-reach places — and you help pay for it.

Yet despite billions of dollars flowing to Alaska telecom companies, the internet service is still slower than in most of the United States.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by Shoshana Gordon/ProPublica)

¿Por qué agentes de inmigración han detenido tres veces a este ciudadano estadounidense?

El 2 de mayo, agentes siguieron a Leonardo García Venegas hasta su casa porque no le creyeron que fuera ciudadano ni que el REAL ID que les mostró fuera legítimo. Ya era un terreno familiar: los agentes de inmigración lo habían detenido dos veces: una en mayo y otra en junio del año pasado.

Pero esta vez, después de esposarlo, lo encadenaron de manos y pies.

La misma semana de la tercera detención de García Venegas, un alto cargo de inmigración afirmó en una conferencia de seguridad fronteriza que aquellos arrestos “en los que pensábamos que se trataba de un extranjero ilegal, pero en realidad se trataba de ciudadanos estadounidenses”, no se habían producido “ni una sola vez”.

Escucha el relato de García Venegas sobre su tercera detención por parte de agentes de inmigración.

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

A Pennsylvania law allows people in prison to raise newly discovered evidence or argue that their previous lawyer mishandled the case. If the person can’t afford an attorney, the state will provide one.

But there’s a catch: The attorney can argue against the client’s claims and withdraw from the case by filing what’s known as a “no-merit” letter.

A @phillyinquirer and ProPublica investigation found case after case in which court-appointed attorneys did minimal work to examine their clients’ claims and rejected what later turned out to be legitimate legal issues.

The findings reveal that Philadelphia’s post-conviction system repeatedly delayed or denied justice for wrongfully convicted people who then spent years or decades behind bars.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: Jessica Griffin/The Inquirer)

On Jan. 31, hundreds of families gathered at an ICE facility in Portland, Oregon, to protest immigration enforcement. Families say they were tear-gassed and pepper-sprayed, leaving them wheezing, coughing and struggling to breathe.

ProPublica identified 79 children across the country who were harmed by tear gas or pepper spray as immigration officers increased the weapons’ use during President Donald Trump’s historic immigration crackdown. Some suffered breathing problems, vomiting, skin irritation and respiratory issues. One infant briefly stopped breathing after being exposed.

There is no national standard that governs how law enforcement agencies use tear gas or pepper spray, allowing Department of Homeland Security officers to deploy chemical agents more freely in some cities than local police departments. Judges described the use of these “less lethal” weapons as excessive but had no power to curb them nationwide.

We spoke with two brothers, ages 11 and 15, who attended the Jan. 31 protest and described being tear-gassed firsthand. Their family asked that we not use the children’s names to protect their privacy.

Vitamin K shots are one of three key interventions for newborns in the U.S., along with an antibiotic eye ointment and the hepatitis B vaccine.

But across the country, families — first in smatterings, now in droves — are declining the single, inexpensive injection.

The trend is fueled by a contradictory pairing: families’ fierce desire to protect their babies and a cascade of false information on social media. Although it is not a vaccine, the vitamin K shot has been swept up in the same post-pandemic tide that has led to a drop in key childhood vaccines.

Babies who don’t get the vitamin K shot, research shows, are 81 times more likely than those who do to develop late vitamin K deficiency bleeding, which can lead to death.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by @matt.rota for ProPublica; photo by @stacykranitz for ProPublica)

Vitamin K shots are one of three key interventions for newborns in the U.S., along with an antibiotic eye ointment and the hepatitis B vaccine.

But across the country, families — first in smatterings, now in droves — are declining the single, inexpensive injection.

The trend is fueled by a contradictory pairing: families’ fierce desire to protect their babies and a cascade of false information on social media. Although it is not a vaccine, the vitamin K shot has been swept up in the same post-pandemic tide that has led to a drop in key childhood vaccines.

Babies who don’t get the vitamin K shot, research shows, are 81 times more likely than those who do to develop late vitamin K deficiency bleeding, which can lead to death.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by @matt.rota for ProPublica; photo by @stacykranitz for ProPublica)

Vitamin K shots are one of three key interventions for newborns in the U.S., along with an antibiotic eye ointment and the hepatitis B vaccine.

But across the country, families — first in smatterings, now in droves — are declining the single, inexpensive injection.

The trend is fueled by a contradictory pairing: families’ fierce desire to protect their babies and a cascade of false information on social media. Although it is not a vaccine, the vitamin K shot has been swept up in the same post-pandemic tide that has led to a drop in key childhood vaccines.

Babies who don’t get the vitamin K shot, research shows, are 81 times more likely than those who do to develop late vitamin K deficiency bleeding, which can lead to death.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by @matt.rota for ProPublica; photo by @stacykranitz for ProPublica)

Vitamin K shots are one of three key interventions for newborns in the U.S., along with an antibiotic eye ointment and the hepatitis B vaccine.

But across the country, families — first in smatterings, now in droves — are declining the single, inexpensive injection.

The trend is fueled by a contradictory pairing: families’ fierce desire to protect their babies and a cascade of false information on social media. Although it is not a vaccine, the vitamin K shot has been swept up in the same post-pandemic tide that has led to a drop in key childhood vaccines.

Babies who don’t get the vitamin K shot, research shows, are 81 times more likely than those who do to develop late vitamin K deficiency bleeding, which can lead to death.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by @matt.rota for ProPublica; photo by @stacykranitz for ProPublica)

Vitamin K shots are one of three key interventions for newborns in the U.S., along with an antibiotic eye ointment and the hepatitis B vaccine.

But across the country, families — first in smatterings, now in droves — are declining the single, inexpensive injection.

The trend is fueled by a contradictory pairing: families’ fierce desire to protect their babies and a cascade of false information on social media. Although it is not a vaccine, the vitamin K shot has been swept up in the same post-pandemic tide that has led to a drop in key childhood vaccines.

Babies who don’t get the vitamin K shot, research shows, are 81 times more likely than those who do to develop late vitamin K deficiency bleeding, which can lead to death.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(Illustration by @matt.rota for ProPublica; photo by @stacykranitz for ProPublica)

A Georgia congressman is running for Senate on a promise to make America’s roads safer — by taking commercial driver’s licenses away from noncitizens.

Mike Collins spent most of his life running a family trucking business, an identity at the forefront of his political campaign. But his policy positions on other trucking safety measures have stood at odds with the industry’s largest trade group, American Trucking Associations.

ProPublica’s analysis of federal motor vehicle data shows that Collins’ business has a higher rate of unsafe driving and speeding violations per mile than the majority of trucking companies with substantial mileage.

Why have immigration agents detained this American citizen three times?

On May 2, agents followed Leonardo Garcia Venegas back to his home because they didn’t believe his claims of citizenship or that the REAL ID he showed them was legitimate. It was familiar territory: He’d already been detained twice by immigration agents — once last May and another time last June.

Except this time, after cuffing him, they shackled his hands and feet.

The same week of Garcia Venegas’s third detention, a top immigration official said at a border security conference that arrests “where we thought they were an illegal alien but they were actually a U.S. citizen” had “happened zero times.”

Listen as Garcia Venegas shares the story of his third detention by immigration agents.

Across Oklahoma, wastewater from oil and gas operations is spreading uncontrollably belowground, blasting out of old wells, polluting the environment and contaminating drinking water. In a new documentary from The Frontier (@readfrontier) and ProPublica, reporter Nick Bowlin investigates the scope of the massive problem threatening oil-producing states across the country.

🗓️ Join us May 20 at the Circle Cinema Theater in Tulsa, Oklahoma, for a reception and public screening of this documentary film. Following the film, there will be a panel discussion and Q&A with filmmaker Katie Campbell, reporter Nick Bowlin and affected families.

Space is limited, so registration is required.

🔗 RSVP at propublica.org/events or via the link in our bio.

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

In March 2025, the Trump administration made an offer to coal-fired power plants, chemical manufacturing facilities and other factories: Their operations could be exempted from key provisions under the Clean Air Act.

No rigorous application was needed. An email would suffice.

Executives across major industries began flooding an inbox set up to receive and funnel requests from the Environmental Protection Agency to the White House.

ProPublica obtained 3,000 pages of emails that were sent to and from this inbox in the weeks that followed.

All told, more than 180 facilities have — without input from EPA scientists — been given a two-year reprieve from following the latest Clean Air Act rules.

Tap the link in our bio to read the full story.

(📸: @bearguerra and @annieflanagan for ProPublica)

Two men promised a $1.1 million 3D printer could fix the housing crisis in Cairo, Illinois. More than a year later, the one duplex it printed still isn’t finished. Cracks formed in the structure, construction stopped and the printer was eventually removed, leaving behind a single unfinished house and a lot of unanswered questions.

Now the FBI is taking a closer look, with subpoenas issued to the 3D-housing developers and officials distancing themselves from the project. No charges have been filed, and the company denies wrongdoing. But for the residents of Cairo, the reality is that these homes still haven’t been built, and the housing crisis continues.

Watch ProPublica and @capitolnewsillinois journalist Molly Parker — who’s reported on housing in Cairo for at least a decade — explain what she found when she set out to find out what happened.

When powerful people try to cover their tracks, who holds them accountable?

At ProPublica, reporters spend months, sometimes years, uncovering the truth.

Follow along as we dig, document and expose what impacts you. Subscribe to our brand-new podcast, “Paper Trail” — hosted by investigative reporter Jessica Lussenhop (@jessicalussenhop) — on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts.

🎨: Nate Sweitzer for ProPublica